Media kit

India's economy: growth without accountability
Key facts, quotes and infographics for journalists

The story in 90 seconds

GDP grew at an average of 6.2% a year from 2014-15 to 2025-26, against 6.8% in the UPA decade. Excluding the pandemic year 2020-21 the average was 7.3%, higher than the UPA's. The share of workers in regular jobs with social security fell from 11.5% in 2017-18 to 10.1% in 2023-24 (PLFS), and V-Dem reclassified India as an "electoral autocracy" in March 2021. The 2017-18 consumption survey was withheld and the 2021 census postponed. Cesses and surcharges, which states do not share in, reached 24.4% of the Union's gross tax revenue in 2020-21, and the GST took most independent indirect taxation away from the states. In 2022-23, the latest year published, the top 1% took 22.6% of national income, a higher share than at any point since 1922, including the inter-war colonial period (World Inequality Lab). The bottom half's share fell from 18.8% in 2004 to 13.9% in 2017 and was 15.0% in 2022-23.

6.1%
Unemployment in 2017-18, all ages (PLFS), reported at the time as the highest since 1972-73
22.6%
Income to Top 1%
157/180
Press Freedom Rank (2026)
₹16,518 Cr
Electoral bonds sold, 2018-2024
289 min
A day of unpaid domestic work by women aged 6 and above who do it, against 88 for men (Time Use Survey 2024). Counted in GDP at zero.

Declaration of interests

Before you quote this research, you should know who wrote it.

Dr. Varna Sri Raman is a former Manmohan Singh Fellow of the All India Professionals’ Congress (AIPC), a department of the Indian National Congress. This work began before the fellowship. This project compares a Congress-led government (UPA, 2004-14) with its successor (NDA, 2014-26) and concludes against the successor on eight of nine measures. That is a party interest in the conclusion, and it is stated here so no one has to find it out later.

The research is unfunded. No institution, government, party, foundation or commercial entity paid for it. No party body commissioned, reviewed or approved it.

The project makes no claim of neutrality. It offers five things in its place. The complete dataset, the construction code and the source of the paper are published. Both political eras are computed by the same script. The one measure in the scorecard that improved under the current government (inflation) is reported as improved, and the improvement is explicitly not credited to policy. Corrections are published, including one that had run in this project's own favour. And the governance finding is corroborated by an independent study using a different method.

Full declaration: someperspective.info → Methodology → Declaration of interests.

Infographic 1: growth against the other measures

GDP against jobs, inequality and democracy

6.2% GDP Growth (average, 2014-15 to 2025-26)
-1.4pp Formal Jobs (2017-18 to 2023-24)
+4.2pp Top 1% income share (2004 to 2022-23)
-43% Democratic Quality Index (2014 to 2026)

Economic growth has coexisted with social regression.

Infographic 2: the employment crisis

10.1%
Formal Employment Share, 2023-24 (11.5% in 2017-18, PLFS)

10.1%

Regular employees with any social-security cover, share of all workers (2023-24)

16.8%

Youth (15-29) unemployed or underemployed, 2022 (ILO and IHD)

Two thirds

Of employment added after 2019 was self-employment (ILO and IHD)

Infographic 3: inequality over time

Top 1% income share, 1951 to 2022-23

1951
11.5%
First year of the annual table
1982
6.1%
Lowest in the series
2014
21.3%
Pre-NDA
2022-23
22.6%
Latest published

Infographic 4: fiscal centralization

What the states receive and what the Union keeps

Fiscal Indicator Reference 2014-15 2024-25
Tax devolution (% of gross tax revenue) Finance Commission share of the divisible pool: 32% (13th), 42% (14th), 41% (15th) 27.1% 33.9%
Cesses and surcharges (% of gross tax revenue, not shared with states) Outside the divisible pool 13.5% 18.0% (24.4% in 2020-21)
Non-Finance-Commission grants (% of Union transfers) Mostly centrally sponsored schemes 40.0% (an accounting break) 31.4%

Sources: 15th Finance Commission, Table 3.8; Union Receipt Budgets; 16th Finance Commission, Annexure 7.1. Devolution rose after the 14th Finance Commission. The cess share peaked in 2020-21 and has fallen since. The 2014-15 grants share is high because centrally sponsored scheme funds began to flow through state budgets that year.

Infographic 5: democratic decline

International democracy rankings

Freedom House

2014: FREE
↓
2024: PARTLY FREE

V-Dem Institute

2014: Electoral democracy
↓
2024: Electoral Autocracy

Press freedom

2014: 140/180
↓
2026: 157/180

Quotable lines

"By 2022-23 the top 1% received 22.6% of India's national income and held 40.1% of its wealth. The World Inequality Lab puts the income share at the highest in a series that begins in 1922 and above that of South Africa, Brazil and the US, and the wealth share at its highest since its wealth series begins in 1961."
Source: the research findings
"The 2017-18 consumption survey was scrapped in 2019, and the census was postponed in 2020 with no new date until enumeration was notified for February 2027. For most of a decade India had neither a published consumption survey nor a census count newer than 2011."
Source: the statistical analysis section
"An employment elasticity of 0.01 means that a 1% rise in output came with a rise in employment of about 0.01%. The RBI estimates that figure for 2004-05 to 2009-10, and an ORF study estimates it for 2011-16 and puts 2017-23 at 1.11."
Source: Misra and Suresh, RBI Working Paper 06/2014; Ghosh and Roy Bardhan, ORF, 2024

Social media graphics

Twitter/X Card 1

6.1%
UNEMPLOYMENT IN 2017-18, ALL AGES

#IndiaEconomy #JobsCrisis

Twitter/X Card 2

22.6%
TOP 1% INCOME SHARE

#Inequality #IndiaData

Story angles

Economic stories

  • "Why only one worker in ten has a regular job with social security"
  • "India's top 1% income share is higher than in the colonial era"
  • "States against the Centre: the cesses and surcharges kept out of the shared pool"
  • "Why women's unpaid work is counted in GDP at zero"

Political stories

  • "The electoral bond scheme the Supreme Court struck down, under which ₹16,518 crore of bonds were sold"
  • "How V-Dem came to class India as an electoral autocracy"
  • "The census postponed in 2020 and now scheduled for 2027, and the politics behind the delay"
  • "Press freedom: from 140th in 2014 to 157th in 2026"

Data for graphics

Indicator Earlier Later Change Visual Suggestion
GDP growth, era average 6.8% (UPA, 2004-05 to 2013-14) 6.2% (NDA, 2014-15 to 2025-26) -0.6pp Line chart
GDP growth, era average excluding the worst year 7.2% (UPA, excluding 2008-09) 7.3% (NDA, excluding 2020-21) +0.1pp Line chart
CPI inflation, era average 8.0% (UPA, 2004-2013) 4.8% (NDA, 2014-2026) -3.2pp Line chart
Unemployment (PLFS, usual status) 6.0% (2017-18, persons aged 15 and above) 3.1% (2025) -2.9pp Area chart
Top 1% Share 21.3% (2014-15) 22.6% (2022-23) +1.3pp Pie chart
Press Freedom 140/180 (2014) 157/180 (2026) 17 places lower Bar chart
Cess share of Union tax revenue 13.5% (2014-15) 16.4% (2025-26 RE) +2.9pp Donut chart

Contacts

For fact-checking and additional data:

Email: research@someperspective.info

Website: someperspective.info

Available for:

Usage rights

Free to use with attribution

All infographics, data, and quotes can be freely used with attribution to:

"someperspective.info research" or "Some Perspective: India’s Political Economy, 2004-2026"

High-resolution graphics available on request.

Media Kit | Some Perspective: India’s Political Economy, 2004-2026
Full research: someperspective.info
Press Contact: research@someperspective.info | Last updated: 10 October 2026

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