All indices follow a standardized construction methodology:
Index_t = Σ(w_i × normalize(X_it)) / Σw_i
where:
X_it = Raw value of component i at time t
w_i = Weight assigned to component i
normalize() = Min-max normalization to [0,1]
SSI is a 0-10 weighted sum of graded suppression severities: SSIt = Σ(weighti × severityit), severity ∈ [0,1] (1.0 = full suppression / discontinuation, ~0.7 = methodology dispute, ~0.3 = delay or post-resolution scar). Six documented streams; weights sum to 10. The UPA years (2004-2013, shaded) record nothing, so SSI = 0. Both eras are computed identically in data/compute_indices.py. Cell values are the annual severity; published third-party data is not involved — these are author-coded severities anchored to datable events (see notes).
Year
Census (2.5)
Consumption (1.5)
Employment (1.0)
GDP back-series (1.5)
Institutional (1.5)
Mortality undercount (2.0)
SSI Score
2004
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.00
2005
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.00
2006
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.00
2007
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.00
2008
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.00
2009
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.00
2010
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.00
2011
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.00
2012
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.00
2013
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.00
2014
0
0
0
0
0
0
0.00
2015
0
0
0
.70
0
0
1.05
2016
0
0
0
.70
0
0
1.05
2017
0
0
1
.70
0
0
2.05
2018
0
1
1
1
0
0
4.00
2019
0
1
.30
1
1
0
4.80
2020
1
1
0
1
1
0
7.00
2021
1
1
0
1
1
1
9.00
2022
1
1
0
1
1
1
9.00
2023
1
1
0
1
1
.60
8.20
2024
1
.50
0
1
1
.40
7.05
2025
1
.30
0
1
1
.30
6.55
2026
1
.20
0
1
1
.30
6.40
Key Finding: SSI was 0 across the UPA decade, then climbed to a peak of 9.0 in 2021-2022 — the COVID-mortality undercount (official ~0.5M deaths vs 3-5M excess) stacking on top of the census delay, the withheld consumption survey, the shelved GDP back-series and the permanent NSSO→NSO merger. It remains elevated at 6.4 in 2026: the acute events eased, but the institutional damage (merger, unresolved back-series) is permanent and the data scars persist.
Note: Six components, each min-max normalised over the full 2004-2026 sample, so FCI is relative: 0.00 = least-centralised year (2004), ~0.92 = most (2020). UPA average 0.09 vs 0.57 under NDA. The new GST component captures the structural loss of independent state taxation in 2017 (cesses and CSS are symptoms; GST is the regime shift), phasing to full weight once GST compensation ended in June 2022. NDA component values (2014-2024) are budget / Finance-Commission anchors; UPA values interpolate official anchors (12th-15th FC devolution; Receipt-Budget cess and CSS shares).
A4. Democratic Quality Index (DQI) Calculations
Four-Component Geometric Mean
DQI_t = (V_t × F_t × R_t × C_t)^(1/4)
Where:
V_t = V-Dem Liberal Democracy Index (0-1)
F_t = Freedom House aggregate score / 100
R_t = (180 - RSF_rank_t) / 180
C_t = V-Dem Core Civil Society Index (0-1)
All four are published third-party measures. The Civil Society Index is added because press-freedom rank barely separates the eras (India was mediocre throughout), whereas civil-society space collapsed from ~0.87 to ~0.31 under NDA — the dimension a headline democracy score flattens. (V-Dem also reclassified India from electoral democracy to electoral autocracy in 2019.)
Year
V-Dem LDI
Freedom House
RSF Rank
Civil Society
DQI Score
2004
0.553
78/100
120/180
0.86
0.59
2005
0.560
78/100
106/180
0.86
0.63
2006
0.562
78/100
105/180
0.86
0.63
2007
0.567
78/100
120/180
0.87
0.60
2008
0.566
78/100
118/180
0.87
0.60
2009
0.567
79/100
105/180
0.88
0.64
2010
0.566
79/100
122/180
0.88
0.60
2011
0.560
79/100
131/180
0.87
0.57
2012
0.557
79/100
140/180
0.87
0.54
2013
0.554
78/100
140/180
0.87
0.54
2014
0.555
78/100
140/180
0.87
0.54
2015
0.529
77/100
136/180
0.83
0.54
2016
0.501
77/100
133/180
0.78
0.53
2017
0.462
77/100
136/180
0.70
0.50
2018
0.422
75/100
138/180
0.62
0.46
2019
0.389
71/100
140/180
0.55
0.43
2020
0.365
67/100
142/180
0.48
0.40
2021
0.357
66/100
142/180
0.42
0.38
2022
0.290
66/100
150/180
0.36
0.33
2023
0.275
66/100
161/180
0.33
0.28
2024
0.271
66/100
159/180
0.32
0.29
2025
0.270
66/100
151/180
0.32
0.31
2026
0.270
66/100
157/180
0.31
0.29
Key Finding: DQI fell from a UPA-era average of ~0.59 (peak 0.64) to 0.29 by 2026 — with the steepest drop after 2019, the year V-Dem reclassified India as an electoral autocracy. The geometric mean is now pulled hardest by the collapse in civil-society space (0.87 → 0.31), not just press freedom.
A5. Employment Elasticity Estimation
Methodology
Employment Elasticity = (%ΔEmployment) / (%ΔGDP)
Log-linear specification:
ln(E_t) = α + β×ln(Y_t) + γ×X_t + ε_t
Where:
E_t = Employment at time t
Y_t = Real GDP at time t
X_t = Control variables
β = Employment elasticity
Period
GDP Growth %
Employment Growth %
Elasticity
95% CI
R²
2004-2009
8.4
0.8
0.10
[0.08, 0.12]
0.72
2009-2011
8.5
0.4
0.05
[0.02, 0.08]
0.65
2011-2016
6.7
0.1
0.01
[-0.02, 0.04]
0.58
2016-2020
5.2
-1.2
-0.23
[-0.28, -0.18]
0.81
2020-2023
7.8
8.6
1.11
[0.95, 1.27]
0.69
Note: The 2020-2023 elasticity of 1.11 reflects distress employment in informal sector post-pandemic, not quality job creation.
A6. Inequality Measurement Methods
Income Share Calculation
Top 1% Share = Σ(Y_i) / Y_total for i ∈ top percentile
Gini Coefficient = (1/2n²μ) × ΣΣ|y_i - y_j|
Palma Ratio = Income share of top 10% / Income share of bottom 40%
Year
Top 1%
Top 10%
Middle 40%
Bottom 50%
Gini
Palma
2014
15.0%
52.9%
32.1%
15.0%
0.812
3.5
2015
16.2%
54.1%
31.5%
14.4%
0.821
3.8
2016
17.5%
55.3%
30.9%
13.8%
0.830
4.0
2017
18.9%
56.4%
30.3%
13.3%
0.838
4.2
2018
19.8%
57.1%
29.9%
13.0%
0.843
4.4
2019
20.6%
57.8%
29.5%
12.7%
0.847
4.6
2020
21.0%
58.2%
29.3%
12.5%
0.850
4.7
2021
21.7%
58.9%
28.9%
12.2%
0.854
4.8
2022
22.2%
59.4%
28.6%
12.0%
0.857
5.0
2023
22.6%
59.8%
28.4%
11.8%
0.860
5.1
A7. Robustness Tests
Sensitivity Analysis Results
Test
Base Result
Alternative Specification
Difference
Significant?
SSI with ±20% weights
7.05 (2024)
5.6-8.5
±20%
No
FCI excluding borrowing
0.68 (2024)
0.81
+19%
No
DQI arithmetic mean
0.29 (2024)
0.34
+17%
Yes*
Employment elasticity (quarterly)
0.01
0.03
+200%
No
Inequality (CMIE vs WID)
22.6%
21.8%
-3.5%
No
*Note: Geometric mean penalizes weak dimensions more heavily, making DQI more sensitive to democratic erosion.